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Secretary of State for Wales (Mother) AKA Baroness Basset |
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Rt Hon George Gideon Oliver Osborne
Massacre of the Exchequer (Father) = |
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| Mummy's girl - (Daughter)
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| BJ at your service - Mayor of London (Son) |
Showing posts with label politics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label politics. Show all posts
Saturday, 7 April 2012
My kind of politicians
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Saturday, 31 March 2012
Anti-establishment rhetoric earns Galloway a place at the establishment
Galloway exposes Labour weakness in northern England
With respect to matters such as the budget or notable by-election results, and particularly when a politician uses the word 'historic' as George Galloway did in his victory speech at Bradford West, I always find it best to let the dust settle before moving in to conduct a post-mortem. Rushing in amid heady celebrations and hysteria can only result in inaccurate reporting and, if you care about the content you put out, a deep feeling of embarrassment about those errors later, however small the audience may be.
Saying that, I could have started writing this article before the ballot boxes were delivered to Bradford West because I knew Mr. Galloway was going to win, and I have the betting slip to prove it. Ladbrokes, not best known for their political nous, report that they will be digging over £100,000 out of their deep pockets to reward the punters who saw odds of 6-1 for a George Galloway victory as uncharacteristically generous.
Sadly, and as is far too often the case, I should have bet more on the outcome.
Still, I'll be collecting my £18 from the bookies later on, whilst hoping the woman working behind the counter doesn't think I'm too sad or weird for betting on politics instead of the horses or football.
The result was certainly more comprehensive than I had expected, with Mr. Galloway taking 56% of all votes cast - quite different from his assertion that 'half the people of Bradford West' had voted for him, but it was a substantial victory nonetheless.
However, this was not the 'historic' success that George Galloway and the media have hailed it. Mr. Galloway's belief that his victory is a signal of an impending meltdown of the main Westminster parties nationwide is nothing more than wishful thinking. We've heard this sort of heady rhetoric throughout political history, but sadly the big parties have always triumphed in the end.
Labour may have dropped 20% of their previous vote at Bradford West, but during the infamous, and now slightly ironic Bermondsey by-election of 1983, Simon Hughes, who has since been outed as bi-sexual, made much of Peter Tatchell's homosexuality, and Labour lost almost 40% of their vote from the ballet in the 1979 general election - this was a much more surprising and damaging loss than Bradford West will prove to be.
More similar to Galloway's triumph was the Lincoln by-election of 1973, when Dick Taverne stood down as the constituency's Labour MP only to re-elected as the Democratic Labour MP. Taverne's individual triumph over the party machine caused panic in the Labour Party and was greeted with similar hysteria by the press. Less than 18 months later however there was another shock as Labour re-gained the seat with relative ease.
Whilst by-elections are notoriously skewed when it comes to judging the overall political climate, we can say with some confidence that Labour are becoming increasingly vulnerable in the north of England. The reasons are many and complicated, but If the party are to make a swift return in Bradford West much will need to change, and quickly.
For many voters in constituencies throughout the north of England, voting Labour is based on an out-dated, shorthand assumption that the Labour Party represent working-class people. In safe Labour seats, where opponents put up little resistance, many northerners are given little alternative but to vote Labour, anything else, they are told, could 'contribute towards a victory for the Tories'.
This is beginning to change, however. The north, like Scotland before it, is slowly turning its back on what is perceived as an increasingly out-of-touch Labour party dominated by upper-class technocrats like Ed Miliband who don't care about, or understand, the north of England. Where there is strong competition from a candidate like George Galloway, Labour will begin to see the loyalty of northern voters shifting.
Mr. Galloway is an adaptable and skillful orator, capable of poking the sores of any given voter. In a constituency like Bradford West, which has been hit disproportionately by the Tory spending cuts and benefited little when Labour were in office, it only takes a small dose of Mr. Galloway's anti-establishment rhetoric to rouse an already disillusioned public.
On reflection, it was obvious that the pregnant conditions needed for a result like this existed in abundance in Bradford.
Firstly, it is important to stress how woefully inept the tactics of Mr. Galloway's opposition were. The Tories were barely seen out on the streets, despite having a fully staffed office in Yorkshire. Labour's appalling pro-war record was exposed in a constituency with a high percentage of Muslim constituents. As was their tired, complacent assumptions about how to campaign to voters in the north of England. The Liberal Democrats meanwhile, seem to be in free-fall throughout the entire country.
Secondly, the mundane candidates offered up by the big political parties played straight into the hands of Mr. Galloway, whose impassioned, wholehearted rhetoric in the causes he chooses to champion is a noticeable break from the shackles of party politics. His in-exhaustive fund of enthusiasm, dynamism as a public speaker and a knack of rattling the political cage are capable of galvanising any audience. As much as his ideologies are questionable, he believes in his arguments, and voters can sense that sort of genuine agenda that traditional party politicians so often lack.
Galloway was able to use all his skill and cleverness in evading being corrupted by the views that he shares with his nasty, little party, Respect, as well as avoiding tricky issues such as his second home in the Algarve and his gleeful support for some of the most abhorrent regimes in the Middle-East. Much of that however, was the fault of Labour, whose appallingly targeted campaign leaflets (which I have seen), predominantly concentrated on attacking the Tories, who were never going to win anyway - their vote dropped to just 8%, after hovering between 30 - 40% for over 40 years.
Also crucial to this tale was the constituency of Bradford West itself, which has one of the most unpredictable recent electoral histories of any UK constituency. In 1979, they rejected Mrs. Thatcher and swung towards Labour, during the election of New Labour's first landslide in 1997 they swung towards the Tories, and then in 2010 the seat was one of handful where Labour increased their majority.
Like the initial win for Stuart Drummond in 2002, who was elevated to the office of Hartlepool mayor after campaigning as the town's football mascot, H'angus the monkey, this was the right man (or monkey) in the right place, at the right time. The next trick for Mr. Galloway is to follow Drummond, who has now won 3 elections, and compile successive victories.
His big test will be the 2015 general election when a big draw for Bradford West voters will be Labour's assertion that only a vote for them can displace the Tories and 'stop the cuts'. Until then, Labour have little to offer those who live in the north of England.
With respect to matters such as the budget or notable by-election results, and particularly when a politician uses the word 'historic' as George Galloway did in his victory speech at Bradford West, I always find it best to let the dust settle before moving in to conduct a post-mortem. Rushing in amid heady celebrations and hysteria can only result in inaccurate reporting and, if you care about the content you put out, a deep feeling of embarrassment about those errors later, however small the audience may be.
Saying that, I could have started writing this article before the ballot boxes were delivered to Bradford West because I knew Mr. Galloway was going to win, and I have the betting slip to prove it. Ladbrokes, not best known for their political nous, report that they will be digging over £100,000 out of their deep pockets to reward the punters who saw odds of 6-1 for a George Galloway victory as uncharacteristically generous.
Sadly, and as is far too often the case, I should have bet more on the outcome.
Still, I'll be collecting my £18 from the bookies later on, whilst hoping the woman working behind the counter doesn't think I'm too sad or weird for betting on politics instead of the horses or football.
The result was certainly more comprehensive than I had expected, with Mr. Galloway taking 56% of all votes cast - quite different from his assertion that 'half the people of Bradford West' had voted for him, but it was a substantial victory nonetheless.
However, this was not the 'historic' success that George Galloway and the media have hailed it. Mr. Galloway's belief that his victory is a signal of an impending meltdown of the main Westminster parties nationwide is nothing more than wishful thinking. We've heard this sort of heady rhetoric throughout political history, but sadly the big parties have always triumphed in the end.
Labour may have dropped 20% of their previous vote at Bradford West, but during the infamous, and now slightly ironic Bermondsey by-election of 1983, Simon Hughes, who has since been outed as bi-sexual, made much of Peter Tatchell's homosexuality, and Labour lost almost 40% of their vote from the ballet in the 1979 general election - this was a much more surprising and damaging loss than Bradford West will prove to be.More similar to Galloway's triumph was the Lincoln by-election of 1973, when Dick Taverne stood down as the constituency's Labour MP only to re-elected as the Democratic Labour MP. Taverne's individual triumph over the party machine caused panic in the Labour Party and was greeted with similar hysteria by the press. Less than 18 months later however there was another shock as Labour re-gained the seat with relative ease.
Whilst by-elections are notoriously skewed when it comes to judging the overall political climate, we can say with some confidence that Labour are becoming increasingly vulnerable in the north of England. The reasons are many and complicated, but If the party are to make a swift return in Bradford West much will need to change, and quickly.
For many voters in constituencies throughout the north of England, voting Labour is based on an out-dated, shorthand assumption that the Labour Party represent working-class people. In safe Labour seats, where opponents put up little resistance, many northerners are given little alternative but to vote Labour, anything else, they are told, could 'contribute towards a victory for the Tories'.
This is beginning to change, however. The north, like Scotland before it, is slowly turning its back on what is perceived as an increasingly out-of-touch Labour party dominated by upper-class technocrats like Ed Miliband who don't care about, or understand, the north of England. Where there is strong competition from a candidate like George Galloway, Labour will begin to see the loyalty of northern voters shifting.
Mr. Galloway is an adaptable and skillful orator, capable of poking the sores of any given voter. In a constituency like Bradford West, which has been hit disproportionately by the Tory spending cuts and benefited little when Labour were in office, it only takes a small dose of Mr. Galloway's anti-establishment rhetoric to rouse an already disillusioned public.
 |
| Mundane: Miliband has failed to connect in the north |
Firstly, it is important to stress how woefully inept the tactics of Mr. Galloway's opposition were. The Tories were barely seen out on the streets, despite having a fully staffed office in Yorkshire. Labour's appalling pro-war record was exposed in a constituency with a high percentage of Muslim constituents. As was their tired, complacent assumptions about how to campaign to voters in the north of England. The Liberal Democrats meanwhile, seem to be in free-fall throughout the entire country.
Secondly, the mundane candidates offered up by the big political parties played straight into the hands of Mr. Galloway, whose impassioned, wholehearted rhetoric in the causes he chooses to champion is a noticeable break from the shackles of party politics. His in-exhaustive fund of enthusiasm, dynamism as a public speaker and a knack of rattling the political cage are capable of galvanising any audience. As much as his ideologies are questionable, he believes in his arguments, and voters can sense that sort of genuine agenda that traditional party politicians so often lack.
Galloway was able to use all his skill and cleverness in evading being corrupted by the views that he shares with his nasty, little party, Respect, as well as avoiding tricky issues such as his second home in the Algarve and his gleeful support for some of the most abhorrent regimes in the Middle-East. Much of that however, was the fault of Labour, whose appallingly targeted campaign leaflets (which I have seen), predominantly concentrated on attacking the Tories, who were never going to win anyway - their vote dropped to just 8%, after hovering between 30 - 40% for over 40 years.
Also crucial to this tale was the constituency of Bradford West itself, which has one of the most unpredictable recent electoral histories of any UK constituency. In 1979, they rejected Mrs. Thatcher and swung towards Labour, during the election of New Labour's first landslide in 1997 they swung towards the Tories, and then in 2010 the seat was one of handful where Labour increased their majority.
Like the initial win for Stuart Drummond in 2002, who was elevated to the office of Hartlepool mayor after campaigning as the town's football mascot, H'angus the monkey, this was the right man (or monkey) in the right place, at the right time. The next trick for Mr. Galloway is to follow Drummond, who has now won 3 elections, and compile successive victories.
His big test will be the 2015 general election when a big draw for Bradford West voters will be Labour's assertion that only a vote for them can displace the Tories and 'stop the cuts'. Until then, Labour have little to offer those who live in the north of England.
Thursday, 29 March 2012
Are we entering a 'post-spin' environment or is Mr. Cameron simply out-of-touch?
Since 1997, Britons have been living in a post truth environment. We have become accustomed to politicians no longer speaking frankly or honestly, instead, day in, day out, we see realities manipulated, utterances carefully constructed, and the desired political narratives created.
It is important to first note that all governments have told lies and massaged the truth,
John Major's 1992 administration contained liars such as Neil Hamilton and Jonathan Aitkin, not to mention the worst of them all, the compulsive liar, Jeffrey Archer, who lied about practically anything and everything. Before that, Margaret Thatcher lied about the sinking of the Belgrano during the Falklands War as well as during the bungled Westland affair of 1986. And the lies of Ted Heath, the most useless of all modern prime ministers, seriously mislead Britain ahead of joining the EEC in 1973.
It is important to first note that all governments have told lies and massaged the truth,
John Major's 1992 administration contained liars such as Neil Hamilton and Jonathan Aitkin, not to mention the worst of them all, the compulsive liar, Jeffrey Archer, who lied about practically anything and everything. Before that, Margaret Thatcher lied about the sinking of the Belgrano during the Falklands War as well as during the bungled Westland affair of 1986. And the lies of Ted Heath, the most useless of all modern prime ministers, seriously mislead Britain ahead of joining the EEC in 1973.
However, under Mr. Blair, New Labour elevated spin, media management and 'being economical with the truth' to almost an art-form. Being able to untangle Labour's thick web of spin became a basic necessity if one wished to get anywhere near the truth of a story.
Writing in The Times in 1987, Mr. Blair, showcasing his party's obsession with press bias, gave rise to the bizarre sort of moral logic that he and his party might have used to justify the unprecedented amount of lies they would go on to tell the public. "The truth becomes almost impossible to communicate because total frankness, relayed in the shorthand of the mass media becomes simply a weapon in the hands of opponents."
Many, including myself, thought Mr. Blair's murky approach to 'the truth' would leave Downing St. along with him in 2007. Yet, the Brown years were spoiled by the type of damaging gimmicks, smears and spin that the public had grown suspicious, vigilant and guarded against after a decade of Mr. Blair.
As George W. Bush said (or attempted to say once) 'Fool me once, shame on you. Fool me twice, shame on me'
Ironically, it has been left to the self-confessed 'Heir to Blair', Mr. Cameron, to do away with Mr. Blair's murky approach to the truth. Albeit, by default.
Since taking office, the coalition governments attempts at selling policy to the public have been most un-Blair like, and, at times, almost embarrassing. Given their reputation as PR-savvy operators, team Cameron's use of spin and sympathetic contacts in the press have been surprisingly lacking.
Policies such as the housing benefit cap, the NHS reforms, the cut in the top rate of income tax, as well the previous u-turns on the scrapping of free school milk, the privatisation of the UK's forests, the free books for kids scheme, and the cuts to child benefit are all questionable policies that have not been aided by their rather patchy presentation.
Similarly, the government's bungling over the potential strikes by fuel drivers today has exposed a lack of forethought about the consequences of their statements. First, drivers were told to fill up their cars, next they were told to fill up and keep spare petrol in 'jerrycans' (which have rocketed in sales) and finally, after causing absolute chaos on petrol forecourts, the government said only drivers with less than a half full tank needed to fill up,
Is this an indicator that the government simply doesn't care about 'spinning' policy or carefully constructing their statements? Or is Mr. Cameron simply losing his grasp of what is likely to cause a political storm?
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As if it wasn't insult enough to the families of two dead British servicemen that their loved ones were sent to their deaths earlier this week for a futile and utterly pointless cause in Afghanistan, it now emerges that the British government couldn't even bring themselves to wait until the tributes to the brave men were paid before they announced their intention to set-up a British military training academy in Qarga, west of Kabul, next year - a camp where more British men and women will suffer the same fate as the two soldiers this week and be shot in the back by the very people they are training.
Defence Secretary Phillip Hammond counters by saying attacks of these sorts are 'few and far between' - an insulting response, given that these attacks should not be happening at all. Data shows that 1 in 7 attacks on NATO forces are now carried out by these despicable traitors.
If this academy is to go ahead, and doubtless it will, at the cost of more lives and despite military redundancies for our own soldiers, then better background checks must be performed to ensure the Afghan soldiers that our troops share dorms and weapons with are not the enemy within.
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